The Devil’s Chemists: Nazi/American/British Mass Murder Corporations

by Josiah DuBois
1952, The Bea­con Press, 374 pages
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Like Ambruster’s Treason’s Peace, Josiah DuBois’s The Devil’s Chemists high­lights how the I.G. Far­ben chem­i­cal firm manip­u­lated trade rela­tion­ships to the advan­tage of the Third Reich. In addi­tion, the book illus­trates how cor­po­ra­tions, busi­ness­men and politi­cians beholden unto the firm’s non-German car­tel part­ners assisted that manip­u­la­tion, as well as the post­war reha­bil­i­ta­tion and exon­er­a­tion of both I.G. and its most impor­tant per­son­nel. Those per­son­nel are the pri­mary focus of Josiah Du Bois’s The Devil’s Chemists. In addi­tion, DuBois empha­sizes the dam­age done to America’s inter­na­tional cred­i­bil­ity by its post­war preser­va­tion of I.G. Far­ben and other Axis/fascist cartels.
One can­not under­stand the his­tory of the 20th cen­tury with­out under­stand­ing the role played in world events of the time by the I.G. Far­ben com­pany, the chem­i­cal car­tel that grew out of the Ger­man dyestuffs indus­try. Com­pris­ing some of the most impor­tant indi­vid­ual com­pa­nies in the his­tory of indus­trial cap­i­tal­ism, the firm has dom­i­nated the dyestuffs, chem­i­cal and phar­ma­ceu­ti­cal indus­tries before and dur­ing World War II. The com­pa­nies that grew out of I.G.’s offi­cial dis­so­lu­tion after the war—Bayer, Hoechst, BASF, and Agfa con­tin­ued to be deci­sive in world mar­kets. Among the many prod­ucts devel­oped by I.G. or its mem­ber com­pa­nies are aspirin, heroin, Novo­cain, methadone (orig­i­nally named Dolophine in honor of Adolph Hitler) and Zyk­lon B (the poi­son gas used in the exter­mi­na­tion cen­ters of World War II.)
Both the Ambruster and DuBois texts set forth the inter­na­tional scope and eco­nomic impact of the com­pany, its role as the spine of the indus­trial war-making econ­omy of the Third Reich and the firm’s ele­va­tion of Hitler to his posi­tion of power. As one observer noted, “Hitler was Far­ben and Far­ben was Hitler.” Much of the impact that the com­pany wielded derived from its inter­na­tional dom­i­nance of the chem­i­cal, rub­ber, petro­chem­i­cal and phar­ma­ceu­ti­cal indus­tries through its car­tel arrange­ments with part­ner firms in other coun­tries. Farben’s for­eign coun­ter­parts had much to do with let­ting the com­pany and its executives—many of them war crim­i­nals of the first order—off the hook after World War II.
Farben’s car­tel part­ners abroad con­sti­tuted an inven­tory of the wealth­i­est and most pow­er­ful cor­po­ra­tions in the world. In the United States, the major firms with which Far­ben did busi­ness included: Du Pont, the Stan­dard Oil com­pa­nies, Gen­eral Motors, Ford Motor Com­pany, Union Car­bide, Dow Chem­i­cal and Tex­aco. In turn, these cor­po­rate giants wielded con­trol­ling polit­i­cal influ­ence in the United States through the elected and appointed offi­cials in their sway. Attempts at reduc­ing Farben’s influ­ence in the United States before and dur­ing World War II, as well as efforts at hold­ing the com­pany and its top exec­u­tives to account for their crimes after the war were neu­tral­ized by the cartel’s cor­po­rate hirelings. Many of names of the com­bat­ants on both sides are impor­tant and, to older and better-educated read­ers, famil­iar. Far­ben exerted a pro­found influ­ence in other coun­tries as well.
Behind the actions of many world fig­ures promi­nent in the mid-20th cen­tury, we can observe the effects of their rela­tion­ship to I.G. As dis­cussed in The Nazis Go Under­ground, Neville Cham­ber­lain was a major stock­holder in Impe­r­ial Chem­i­cals, I.G.’s major car­tel part­ner in the United King­dom. Chamberlain’s “weak­ness” in the Munich sum­mit with Hitler assumes a dif­fer­ent light when eval­u­ated against his hold­ings in Impe­r­ial. In Falange, Alan Chase describes Wil­helm von Fau­pel, the prime mover behind the estab­lish­ment of the Span­ish Falange and its inter­na­tional com­po­nent, the Falange Exte­rior. Fau­pel derived much of his con­sid­er­able influ­ence within the Third Reich from his sta­tus as an “I.G. General.”
In The Devil’s Chemists, DuBois details the war crimes tri­als of key I.G. per­son­nel and, in so doing, illus­trates the per­ni­cious nature of the car­tel sys­tem Far­ben embod­ied and suc­cess­fully, ruth­lessly exploited. On page “x” of the pref­ace, DuBois explains:
“ . . . In con­dens­ing 150 large vol­umes of tes­ti­mony within one average-size book, a great deal of mate­r­ial has nec­es­sar­ily been elim­i­nated. Nev­er­the­less, I believe that every sig­nif­i­cant aspect of this his­toric crim­i­nal trial has been brought to the atten­tion of the reader. . . .”
DuBois relates how “anti-Communism” was used to mask and exon­er­ate the I.G. defen­dants who are the focal point of the book. On page 355, DuBois writes:
“ . . . Yet the two judges accepted the fic­tion that Far­ben was the sim­ple pro­to­type of ‘West­ern Cap­i­tal­ism.’ By impli­ca­tion, this placed the Ter Meers and Schmitzes along­side the stock­hold­ers and direc­tors of many inter­na­tional firms whose poli­cies some­times stood out clearly against war. . . . This com­mer­cial stereo­type reached its great­est exag­ger­a­tion in the case of Max Ilgner. The Tri­bunal rewrote into inno­cence even the aggres­sive deeds he admit­ted, rais­ing the clear impli­ca­tion that any soci­ety could be filled with such men with no dan­ger what­ever to the peace of the world. Hav­ing been sen­tenced to three years for plun­der­ing Ilgner was given credit for the time he had spent in jail and was released imme­di­ately after the judg­ment was read. . . .”
Pub­lished in 1952, the DuBois text reflects the anx­i­ety pro­voked in the West by the Ger­man “Ost­poli­tik” that is the pri­mary focus of T.H. Tetens’ Ger­many Plots with the Krem­lin. Not­ing blos­som­ing Ger­man trade with the for­mer Soviet Union in the early 1950’s, as well as the pro­pos­als by some Ger­man polit­i­cal fig­ures to assume a posi­tion of neu­tral­ity, many observers pushed to appease the resid­ual Reich ele­ments at every oppor­tu­nity. Many in posi­tions of influ­ence in the United States felt that the pos­si­bil­ity that Ger­many might align itself with the USSR man­dated a Carte Blanche atti­tude on the part of the US diplomacy.
DuBois dis­cusses one of the most seri­ous out­growths of the preser­va­tion of the car­tels in Japan and Ger­many and the Cold War pol­icy of estab­lish­ing right-wing “bul­wark” states to guard against the spread of com­mu­nism. Pre­serv­ing the dom­i­nance of fas­cist eco­nomic inter­ests alien­ated those who had suf­fered under the yoke of Axis occupation.
“ . . . In the Far East, as well as in Europe, the United States has backed other totalitarian-minded groups [in addi­tion to the I.G.] as a ‘bul­wark’ against com­mu­nism. By the end of World War II, the peo­ples of China, Korea, Indo-China, and the Philip­pines had suf­fered for years under the ‘New Order for Asia’ spon­sored by the Japan­ese equiv­a­lent of Far­ben, the Zaibatsu car­tels. These car­tels by force of arms won a stran­gle­hold on the economies of these coun­tries. Instead of rebuild­ing the Far East gen­er­ally as fast as we could, we have ped­dled the fear that Rus­sia would rob and plun­der the peo­ple, while at the same time we backed the very forces which had already robbed and plun­dered them. The Zaibatsu car­tels are as strong as ever. In Indo-China, we have backed the col­lab­o­ra­tors of the ‘Japan­ese New Order.’ In South Korea, faced with a vari­ety of truly demo­c­ra­tic choices, we backed Syn­g­man Rhee and the few landown­ers and cot­ton millers who had cast their lot with the ‘New Order’ gang. . . . Can we expect mil­lions of for­mer vas­sals in Asia to rally around their erst­while total­i­tar­ian oppres­sors? Can we rally Europe solely around the fear of Soviet enslave­ment while we delib­er­ately sus­tain the forces which twice in recent his­tory have enslaved that con­ti­nent? On the answer to these ques­tions depends our survival.”
Indeed. (For more about the resti­tu­tion of the Zaibat­sus, see FTRs 290, 426.)
Like the Ambruster, Mar­tin Man­ning, and Borkin & Welsh texts, The Devil’s Chemists pro­vides a win­dow into a realm of cor­po­rate polit­i­cal eco­nom­ics that con­tin­ues to wield a deci­sive role in world affairs.

About homelessholocaust

I actually do not write most of these articles, I collect them here, for my personal useage, I find Some Other's enjoy them as well, which is a side effect of my Senility. As I am a Theosophist, and also study Vedanta Society of Northern California, so Your Visitation from the Akashic records to approve my feebile works gives me Great Hope! I am 68, years old, I will Come To You in another 30 or so years. You Reinforces my Belief that in my Sleep I visit The Akashic Records when I remember my dream's. I keep notes about 'Over There." the Colour of Daylight is Darker, but the Life is Brighter, property has no meaning, and it is homish. are the energetic records of all souls about their past lives, the present lives, and possible future lives. Each soul has its Akashic Records, like a series of books with each book representing one lifetime. The Hall (or Library) of the Akashic Records is where all souls’ Akashic Records are stored energetically. In other words, the information is stored in the Akashic field (also called zero point field). The Akashic Records, however, are not a dry compilation of events. They also contain our collective wisdom.
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